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AiMERICA IN THE OrIENT. 



The United States, Russia and France 



AND THE 



Anglo-Japanese Treaty. 



By T. ST. JOHN GAFFNEY and JOSEPH SMITH. 



*rofe.ssor Grosvenor, of Amherst CoUer/e, on the Polirij of the State Depart i>iei)t. 



/ 



><r>. 



Reprinted troin 

THE BOSTON PILOT. 






,6-/3 




RUSSIA, THE UNITED STATES AND THE 
ANGLO-JAFANESE TREATY. 



There is a class in this RepubHc 
more British than American, whose 
chief object is to direct the foreign 
poHcy of the United States in Eng-- 
land's interest, no matter what the 
result may he to the Repul:)lic. This 
class, small but noisy, has its press 
agents and its after dinner ad- 
vocates, but the average American 
knows hov/ small is its real influ- 
ence when weighed in the balance 
of public opinion and how futile 
must necessarily be its efforts. Dur 
ing the last four years it was partic- 
ularly in evidence, disseminating 
the falsehood that Great Britain 
stood between us and the Continen- 
tal Powers during the Spanish War. 
The persistent and systematic cir- 
culation of this lie was so general as 
to affect the judgment of many 
honest and patriotic Americans, 
who forthwith joined the troop of 
Anglomen, whose voice made the 
welkin ring with the story of our 
obligations to Mr. Chamberlain's 
ministry. France, Russia and Ger- 
many endured in silence for four 
vears this impeachment of their 
good faith, and Lord Pauncefote 
strutted around Washington in the 
guise of our protector and saviour, 
while our State Department practi- 
callv abdicated its functions and be- 
came the echo of the British For- 
eign Office. A change, however, 
has come over the scene; although 
Hav still holds the State portfolio. 



an American sits in the chair at 
Washington. The Secretary of 
State, whether justly or unjustly, it 
is not for me to say, is regarded as 
the exponent and defender of Brit- 
ish policies in this country. It has 
been alleged by many eminent pub- 
lic men that if he were to change 
places with Lord Pauncefote he 
could not be more careful and vigi- 
lant in looking out for the interests 
of the British Empire. 

Since the commencement of the 
South African War all negotiations 
have been conducted with one view 
by our State Department, and that 
to cause the least offence to the 
Chamberlain ministry, no matter 
how our interests in Alaska or else- 
where might suft'er. Great Britain 
must not be embarrassed has been 
the governing and paramount rule 
in our diplomatic affairs since the 
induction of the Hon. John Hay. 
As the result of such a programme, 
humiliating as the confession is, this 
great nation has become an acqui- 
escing partner in the spoliation and 
destruction of two small republics. 
Historv does not record a more 
shameful episode in our annals, and 
the judgment of posterity will, with 
luiorrine fideh'^^v. vh^c the brand of 
shame on Columbia's l)row for our 
conduct in this infamous South Af- 
rican Wnr. 

Since the signing of the Anglo- 
Japanese Treaty the voice of the 



/* 



RUSSIA, THE UNITED STATES AND 



Anglomen in America has been 
again raised. They assert with pos- 
itiveness that their friend Hay was 
consulted and gave his tacit adhe- 
sion to the document, and that he 
would gladly have made our coun- 
try a party but for the United States 
Senate. The British press here and 
abroad re-echo the statement, and 
the Secretary of State is silent. He 
remains dumb, as he has during the 
last four years, when at any hour 
during that time he could have un- 
masked the duplicity of the British 
(jovernment and spared the minis- 
ters of the great Powers the humili- 
ations and affronts to which they 
have lieen subjected up to the very 
moment of Pauncefote's exposure. 

The Japanese newspapers do not 
hesitate to openly claim that our 
Government is an unofficial party 
to the convention. 

The "Mainichi" (Osaka), one of 
the leading organs of public opin- 
ion, says: 

"The contracting Powers are 
Great Britain and Japan on paper, 
but there is also the unofficial 
.\merican support of the alliance. 
It is an alliance of the three Powers 
which hold the balance of power in 
the Far East, in commerce, in navi- 
gation, and in naval and military 
strength. The three Powers in com- 
bination can defy the world, and we 
do not hesitate to assert that their 
alliance is sui^cient to guarantee 
the peace of the world." 

In contributions to The Pilot I 
have frequentl}- called attention to 
the press campaign conducted in 
the interest of Britain by her agents 
resident among us. Some of these, 
I regret to say, are American: in 
fact, the most notorious member of 



the craft was born in this country. 
There is also an Anglo Jew, the 
Washington correspondent of the 
London "Chronicle," who has a fac- 
ulty of quoting his own dispatches 
to that paper in the columns of a 
Boston paper, of which he is also 
the correspondent. These men are 
ever vigilant and unceasingly active 
in iheir eriorts to create ill feeling 
between the United States and the 
Continental Powers, and rumor at- 
tributes to them opportunities for 
information at the State Depart- 
ment aft'orded no other correspond- 
ents. There is also a certain ele- 
ment in Congress which is commit- 
ted to the British interest, and at 
every opportunity, either at din- 
ners or by interviews, it delivers 
empty talks about "Blood is thick- 
er than water," "Our kith and kin," 
"the open door," and such silly 
nonsense as is calculated to arouse 
instead of allay any bitterness of 
feeling between the two peoples. 

The best ethnological authori- 
ties, both here and abroad, credit 
our homogeneous population with 
about 10 per cent, of English blood, 
and as time progresses this fraction 
is becoming more minute, and yet 
there are idiots who refer to the 
American people as a branch of the 
"Anglo-Saxon" race. 

The Plon. Chauncey M. Depew 
is a sample of this class of Anglo- 
maniac, but every one knows that 
his pleasantries on international 
questions are worthy of no serious 
consideration. The foreign minis- 
ters, after a brief residence among 
us, weigh these utterances at their 
proper value, and although Euro- 
pean newspapers and foreign gov- 
ernments mav attach some signifi- 



THE AyGLO-JAPANESE TREATY. 



cance to them, they are regarded 
here as of absohitely no poHtical im- 
portance. 

Orators of this type constantly 
prate of spreading the beneticent 
inliuences of EngHsh civiHzation. 
Let us contrast for a moment just 
one feature of the civiHzation of the 
Boer and the Briton. The Boers 
have captured and released since 
the commencement of the war 38,- 
000 British soldiers, which is more 
than the entire strength of the Boer 
army. Upwards of 5.000 of these 
prisoners were for months in their 
hands. Up to the fall of Pretoria 
only two deaths had occurred 
among these troops during their 
captivity and about half a dozen 
suffered from m.inor ailments. 
Great Britain, under the pretence 
that they are rebels, has shot and 
hanged many Boer officers and sol- 
diers, scattered the prisoners over 
the Avorld and, having burned the 
hom.es of the women and children, 
has placed them in camps where 
the death rate has reached the ap- 
palling figures of 450 per thousand. 
Her object and policy is the exter- 
mination of the race, and yet we 
have in this countrs^ men like Al- 
fred T. ]\Iahan who have the assur- 
ance to glorify British benevolence 
and proclaim that British prestige 
has been increased by the South 
African War. Is it any wonder that 
Captain IMahan was court-mar- 
tialed while in the American Navy 
and that the verdict recorded that 
he was incompetent to sail his own 
ship? 

The Anglo-Japanese Treaty. 

The Anglo-Japanese Alliance, 
followed after a brief interval bv the 



Russo-French Declaration, marks 
the beginning of a new period in 
world politics. The centre of grav- 
ity has been transferred from the 
near to the far East, and the field of 
action from the Ottoman to the 
Chinese Empire. As in the earlier 
stages of the demolition of the 
power of the Turk, the two great 
antagonists were Russia and Eng- 
land, so we again find them with 
visors down and lances in rest op- 
poserl to each other on the shores 
of the Yellow Sea. Now, however, 
France is the ally of Russia, while 
heathen Japan, whose association 
with Christian Britain many lead- 
ing Englishmen declared a few 
years ago to be unthinkable, is now 
united to her by the closest tie 
known in international relations. 
Again, as during the long struggle 
between Russia and England in the 
near East, we find Germany play- 
ing the same part of an apparently 
disinterested spectator, or, as Bis- 
marck descril)ed it. of the honest 
broker. Now, however, the issue of 
the struggle in the near East cannot 
be repeated. The change of the 
field of action has brought a new 
factor into plav, and what was only 
a European question when the Ot- 
toman Empire was concerned is a 
world question when the destiny of 
China comes to be fixed, and one in 
which this country has a vital in- 
terest, as one of the great Powers 
territorially dominating the North- 
ern Pacific. The others are Russia 
and Japan, with the possibility of 
China, if it can preser\e its integrity 
and evolve a modern form of gov- 
ernment, becoming a fourHi. The 
locus standi of the other Powers is 
commercial and financial, and can 



RUSSIA, THE UNITED STATES AND 



only become territorial at the ex- 
pense of China or of the other three 
Powers. 

As the right of issue on the ocean 
was the keynote of Russian poHcy 
in the near East, so an ice-free port 
is of her movement through Man- 
cliuria to the Yellow Sea; and only 
a country whose policy is always 
and e\erywhere that of the dog-in- 
the-manger would refuse her that 
right or bar her progress. It is 
hardly necessary to say that Eng- 
land is the country implied; but by 
herself England would be power- 
less to accomplish her aim and grat- 
ify her secular hatred of Russia; 
and the European Powers are 
nmch too intimately acquainted 
with tlie utter selfishness and the 
duplicity of her diplomacy to aid 
her. So in her despair she turns to 
the child of the world's old age, 
Japan, to hold up her arm, palsied 
l)v the valorous resistance of two 
little South African Republics. 
With the attractive bait of the 
"open door" she would enlist the 
commercial ambitions of this coun- 
fr\- in her service against Russia, 
but the memories of the American 
peonle would be short indeed and 
their intelligence dim if they could 
foreet the storv of the scene in the 
"Rri'ish Embassv at Washington in 
1S08, when, with customarv dou- 
ble-dealincr. the British Ambassador 
endeavored to lure his colleasfues 
into consenting to a step which 
would have amotmted to a Euro- 
pean intervention between our- 
selvpc and Snain. 

This country is strong enoti2'h 
and iust enough to do what is rio-ht 
in the auestion raised bv the forma- 
tion of the Anglo- Japanese alliance. 



Russia is not and never has been 
our enemy, while the interests of 
both require that we should be 
friends. Commercially, Japan is 
bound in the nature of things to be 
our greatest rival in the Eastern 
markets so soon as her industries 
and mercantile marine are more 
fully developed; and we must ever 
bear in mind that the Japanese can 
never forgive us for having sup- 
planted them in the Philippines, the 
heritage they coveted whenever 
those islands should fall from the 
feeble grasp of Spain. 

With Russia we can and ought to 
treat to the advantage and profit of 
both; with England and Japan, 
never. The consistent perfidious- 
ness of the one and the disappoint- 
ed ambition of the other forbid. 
Until she has her teeth out of South 
Africa, England is impotent alike 
as an enemy or an ally; and it would 
be as poor policy as it would be im- 
moral for this country to aid the 
destroyer of two republics and the 
exterminator of brave men. their 
wives and children. Were we to 
help England and Japan to-mor- 
row to force Russia back from the 
open sea into the frozen North, we 
should have to fight Japan the day 
after to retain the foothold we now 
have on the borders of the Asiatic 
market, touching nobody's terri- 
tory and touched by none, while 
England, with habitual duplicity, 
wordd be professing sympathy with 
the one she feared the most and 
helping the other. 

Let our Avatchw'ord ever be no 
Anglo-American Alliance; no 
Anglo-American-Japanese under- 
standing. If England and Japan 
force a w-ar upon Russia and 



THE ANGLO-JAPANESE TREATY. 



France, now openly declaring 
themselves allies, let us stand aside 
and see fair play; which will also, 
without a doubt, be the attitude of 
Germany. 

Russia's Historic Friendship for 
the United States. 

It is proper, in discussing Rus- 
sia's relations toward this country, 
to review briefly her past attitude 
toward the United States. Since 
the birth of this republic the 
friendship of the Czar has been 
shown at many a critical juncture. 
Russia was the only great power 
which did not recognize the bel- 
ligerency of the Confederacy. In 
18G3 the Russian fleets anchored in 
New York and San Francisco har- 
bors under sealed orders to support 
the United States in the event of 
any interference by England in be- 
half of the South. After the tri- 
umph of the Union armies she sold 
us Alaska for a nominal sum, there- 
by voluntarily eliminating the 
American Continent from the 
sphere oi Russian colonization or 
territorial expansion. How gladly 
would England have paid four 
times the purchase price if she had 
the opportunity is now admitted by 
all historians. It is therefore not in- 
appropriate that we Americans al- 
lude to Russia as our traditional 
friend. 

The New York Sun, in an article 
published some time ago, forcibly 
sets forth the common aims and 
ambitions of Russia and our re- 
public. The Sun said: 

"The Russians and Americans 
have now behind them three gen- 
erations of eftort substantially iden- 



tical in aim and in achievement; 
both have before them a manifest 
destiny containing much that is in 
common and nothing that conflicts. 
Russia has been and is the greatest 
civilizer of the Old World, as the 
Americans have been of the New, 
reducing again to the uses of the 
human race vast territories that 
had been for centuries sacriflced to 
the savagery of degenerated bar- 
barism. In the Eastern Mediterra- 
nean Russia, m obedience to the 
dictates of a human heart sensitive 
to pulsations other than those of a 
loom., has twice poured out her 
blood and treasure to rescue fellow 
creatures from the knife of the 
butcher and the cord of the ravish- 
er. Throughout the whole of this 
career, alike in that part of it which 
has dealt with the redemption of 
territorial areas, and in that part 
dealing with the redemption of the 
human victims of fanaticism, cruel- 
ty and lust, Russia has had one sin- 
gle, steady, consistent opponent. 
Splashed to the thighs with inno- 
cent blood, England has barred the 
way." 

In considering the Asiatic situa- 
tion and our relation thereto there 
are singular advantages which Rus- 
sia possesses and which should have 
weight with our Government in its 
future policy. First of all, as I have 
mentioned before, comes the alli- 
ance with France, our sister repub- 
lic. This alliance has received re- 
newed assurance from the Franco- 
Russian note of March 20, which 
contains the following significant 
paragraph: 

"They (Russia and France) are 
compelled, however, not to lose 
from view the possibly inimical ac- 



RUSSIA, THE UNITED STATES AND 



tion of other Powers, or a repeti- 
tion of disorders in China, possibly 
impairing China's integrity and 
free dexelopnient, to the detriment 
of their reciprocal interests. They 
therefore reserve to themselves the 
right to take measures to defend 
these interests." 

This rather sharp reminder to the 
wise has been followed by an otifi- 
ciai statement by the Czar's gov- 
ernment. Among the points se!. 
forth in this are the following: That 
Russia is not worried by the Anglo- 
Japanese alliance: that the princi- 
ples which have guided Russia since 
the late war occurred still hold 
good; that she will insist on the in- 
tegrity of China, and also of Corea; 
and that she has in view only the 
j)reservation of the status quo and 
the general peace, in the construc- 
tion of the Siberian railroad. 

The pro-British press here refers 
to the belated conversion of Russia 
to the open door principle. As a 
matter of fact, nearly two years ago 
our Government received a most 
positive assurance from Count Cas- 
sini, the Czar's brilliant representa- 
tive at Washington, on this subject, 
as well as the other points enumer- 
ated in tlie note of March 20. There 
was never any doubt m the mind of 
President McKinley as to the good 
faith of Russia on this question, and 
since the accession of President 
Roosevelt the most cordial under- 
standing has prevailed between the 
two governments. 

The "Official Messenger," St. Pe- 
tersburg, in publishing the Franco- 
Russian declaration, March 20, rel- 
ative to the Anglo- Japanese Con- 
vention, accompanied it with a final 
statement which contains a well-de- 



served rebuke to those who have 
been so offensively active in misrep- 
resenting Russia's position. 

■'The intention expressed by 
Great Britain and Japan to attain 
those same objects, which have in- 
variably been pursued by the Rus- 
sian Government, can meet with 
nothing but sympathy in Russia, in 
spite of the comments in certain po- 
litical spheres and in some of the 
foreign newspapers which endeav- 
ored to present in quite a different 
light the nnpassive attitude of the 
imperial Government toward a 
di])loniatic act which in its eye does 
not change in any way the general 
situation on the political horizon." 

Referring again to the advan- 
tages which Russia possesses in 
Asia, we nuist also consider the fact 
that for centuries she has been a 
.semi-Asiatic Power in close inter- 
course with Orientals, and it is nat- 
ural that Russian methods of gov- 
ernment, arbitrary and despotic as 
they may seem to us, may be better 
adapted than those of more liberal- 
ly governed nations to political 
conditions existing in China. The 
building of the great Continental 
railway and the pacific character of 
her policy for many years are fur- 
ther reasons why there should be no 
sympathy by the United States 
with her enemies and that there 
should be no interruption of our 
traditional friendship. 

It should not be forgotten also 
that Russia does not seek to inter- 
fere with the religion of the Chinese 
people and employs no missionaries 
with that end in view. As most of 
the trouble with the Christian 
Powers has arisen from the offen- 
sive activity of missionaries, this 



THE ANGLO- JAPANESE TREATY. 



9 



advantage to Russia should not be 
lost sight of, and 1 regard it as of 
the highest significance. 

The Hon. John W. Bookwalter, 
former Governor of Ohio, who has 
travelled extensively in Russia, 
says: '"America's best open door to 
Central Asia and China is through 
Russia, and our olitaining the vir- 
tual monopoly of this market only 
depends on our retaining her 
friendship. America has very little 
to gain by an open door to China. 
Russia in the last four years has 
done more to open the door of 
China "than England and the rest of 
the world have done in liity years. 
No one who has not seen it with his 
own eyes can have the faintest con- 
ception of what Russia has done 
and is still doing in Central Asia. I 
distrust the friendship of England 
and advise, above all, the culti^•a- 
tion of friendship with Erance, Rus- 
sia and Germany." 

"The maintenance of friendly re- 
lations with Russia," says former 
Assistant Secretary of State Ouin- 
cy, "should be as cardinal a point in 
our diplomatic policy as the culti- 
vation of similar relations with us in 
her own programme. Each nation 
has expanded across the continent 
from one ocean to another; we 
meet as friends upon the shores of 
the Pacilic, the great arena in which 
perhaps is to be fought out, in war 
or ill peace, the struggle for politi- 
cal or commercial supremacy." 

There is little doubt that a con- 
flict in Asia is inevitable in the near 
future. In view of the critical con- 
ditions prevailing there, perhaps it 
would be of interest to note the dif- 
ference between the position of 
Russia and Ensland on that conti- 



nent. The Asiatic dependencies of 
the IJritish Empire are merely for 
the purpose of bringing in revenue 
to the home government and 
wealth to the small transitory popu- 
lation which passes a few years in 
Hindoostan or China. These British 
possessions are what the French 
call "colonies d'exploitation," as 
contrasted with "colonies de peu- 
plement." The proportion of Brit- 
ishers in the Indian Empire after 
two centuries of occupation is a 
mere fraction of the whole popula- 
tion. Russia, on the contrary, is a 
colonizing power. .\s she has ex- 
tended the boundaries of her em- 
pire she has settled the new terri- 
tories with permanent Russian col- 
onists. In the wake of her advanc- 
ing army villages, towns and 
churches have sprung up and the 
native population has been rapidly 
assimilated and Christianized by 
her ?]uropean subjects. Wherever 
the Russians have founded colonies 
in Asia they have spread their lan- 
guage, ci\ilizalion and religion. 
The provinces of Caucasia, where a 
century ago there was not a single 
Russian; Sil:»eria, which two gener- 
ations ago w-as practically devoid of 
European colonists and peopled by 
wandering aboriginal tribes, will 
before long be as Russian as any 
European province of the Czar's 
empire. Russia, instead of scatter- 
ing her surplus population in North 
and South America, as is the case 
with England, Germany and Italy, 
carefully keeps this surplus within 
the confines of her oAvn territory. 

Nothing could be more disas- 
trous than to embark American in- 
terests in the English bottom, for 
wherever the Cnion Jack floats 



10 



RUSSIA, THE UNITED STATES AND 



there American commerce withers 
and is rooted out. On the other 
hand, as I have before indicated, 
American and Russian commercial 
interests are identical. Both are 
growers and exporters of cereals 
and fibre, of which England is buy- 
er, and her permanent interest is to 
pay as little as possible for these 
materials. She has systematically 
and constantly manipulated the 
identical produce of her old Asiatic 
possessions to break the world's 
market for these raws. She must 
needs continue to do so. a necessity 
imposed l)y her industrial position. 
The interests, then, of Russia and 
the United States alike are perma- 
nently and irreconcilably opposite 
to England's and are identical with 
one another. 

In conclusion, I again quote from 
the "New York Sun," which up to a 
recent date more accurately repre- 
sented American opinion on this 
subject than any other publication. 
"Upon another and a higher 
plane of politics and humanity Rus- 
sia is the great civilizer of Asia, 
while England merely enslaves, 
crushes and drains. England does 
so administer her great farms, her 
dependencies, as to increase their 
rental, the revenue she squeezes 
from them. But this is done at the 
cost of the abasement of the peo- 
ples, their abandonment to the tor- 
ture of chicane, their brutification 
beneath the blight of hopeless pov- 
erty and the ever-impending shad- 
ow of starvation. Public health is 



utterly neglected; there is not in 
all India such a seat of science and 
original research as Russia had es- 
tal)lished within five years of her ac- 
quisition of Samarcand, whose an- 
cient IMogul Universit-y she re- 
stored. To Asiatics the absolute 
form of government alone is adapt- 
ed. They welcome the easy and ad- 
vantageous Russian yoke, which to 
them is the symbol and the warrant 
of security and prosperity." 

No other element in our country 
but the Anglo-American has at- 
tempted to use the Republic. This 
faction is the least loyal to the 
United States and the most un- 
scrupulous in its resolve to further 
the ends of British policy, no mat- 
ter what the consequences may be 
to us. As the result of its deliberate 
efforts during the last four years to 
embroil us with the Continental 
Powers, our citizens of German and 
Irish extraction have come to a 
svmpathetic understanding to stand 
together, irrespective of party, 
against British intrigue. Any ad- 
ministration that would endeavor 
to commit our Republic to a sup- 
port of British interests in China 
would be overwhelmed by the 
weight of popular opprobrium. 

Russia need not be disturbed in 
regard to the attitude of America, 
if for the protection of her interests 
she finds it obligatory to prick the 
bubble of British power in Asia as 
a few Dutch farmers have burst it 
in South Africa. 

T. ST. JOHN GAFFNEY. 



TEE AWOLO-JAPAlfESE TREATY. 



11 



IMPENDING WORLD WAR.-ENGLAND AND JAPAN 
AGAINST RUSSIA AND FRANCE. 



The offensive and defensive 
treaty entered into recently be- 
tween England and Japan, osten- 
sibly for the preservation of what is 
diplomatically termed the ''Open 
Door" in China, is a document 
which has more than a passing in- 
terest for America and Americans. 
It was announced with a flourish 
that this treaty meant the conser- 
vation of the peace in the Orient, 
that it insured free trade and equal 
rights to the commerce of all na- 
tions, and that it made certain the 
political integrity of the Chinese 
Empire. There was an assumption 
of political and commercial altruism 
in this sonorous announcement that 
pleased international philanthro- 
pists and members of the Peace So- 
ciety all round the world; but the 
hard-headed men of affairs, who 
have in their keeping the diplomatic 
relations of the Powers and who 
have learned to differentiate a hawk 
from a hernshaw, merely smiled, for 
they had a long and intimate ac- 
quaintance with the two altruists 
who had issued the proclamation. 
England, the persistent plunderer 
and bullier of the Flowery Land, 
and Japan, recently arrested while 
imitating her friend and ally — these 
W'ere the two altruists who were to 
be the guides, philosophers and 
friends of the guileless Chinaman, 
his guardians and protectors, the 
high-minded friends of peace, who 
were anxious only to keep open the 



Chinese ports and keep free and 
equal the trade of China for all 
comers. Altruism could certainly 
go no further. 

This was the overture to the in- 
ternational symphony of commerce; 
and it is now time for the audience 
to look for w^hat musicians call the 
ieit motif in the composition, or, as 
vulgar Americans say, "to look for 
the nigger in the woodpile." 

The sudden outbreak of inspired 
articles in the pro-P)ritish press of 
America, questioning the good 
faith of the Russian Government's 
assurances that, as far as it was con- 
cerned, the "open door" would be 
preserved, and impudently asserting 
that America was back of the treaty, 
give a clue to the new intrigue in 
which the British Government is 
engaged. Those who have followed 
the tortuous course of British 
scheming since 1898, and the stren- 
uous efforts of England and her im- 
pudent journalistic allies to dis- 
credit our hereditary friends, 
France, Rus.sia and Germany, do 
not propose to allow her old in- 
trigue to get a new foothold, even 
while masquerading under a new 
disguise. The British game now is 
to try and educate the people of 
America into the belief that the 
Anglo-Japanese treaty is an Ameri- 
can treaty; that this administration 
will give it its aid and support; and, 
lastly, to discredit Russian aims and 
Russian good faith by persistent 



12 



RUSSIA, THE UNITED STATES AND 



slander and falsehood. This is the 
J British programme in a nutshell, 
and the British count on three fact- 
ors to make it successful: first, the 
careless credulity of the average 
American; second, the sympathy 
and silence of John Hay; third, the 
impudence, audacity and persist- 
ence of the pro-British press. Un- 
less the Japanese-English treaty has 
the support, moral or physical, of 
the United States, it is not worth 
the paper it is written on; and it is 
the duty of every right-minded 
American to see that neither British 
imrigue nor Cabinet treachery 
gives it that support. 

Stripped of its fine feathers, its 
sham altruism, the treaty is merely 
an ineti'eciual attempt of two little 
fellows in hlulT one ])ig one; it is 
England and Japan making faces at 
Russia, in ilcfault of being al)le to 
do anything worse, luigiand is try- 
ing to make the world beliex'e that 
she and japan together amount to a 
very formidable force; yet the 
mathematical truth remains that 
twice nothing is still nothing, for 
England plus Japan, and Japan jilus 
England, are still the original (pian- 
tity — nc^thing. Yet these nolliings 
hope to intimidate the strong, re- 
sourceful Russia, the one genuine 
guarantee of ])eace, progress, civili- 
zation, law and order in Asia — priv 
vided always they can cajole Uncle 
Sam to become a partner in their 
scheme. 

Let us face the actual facts in the 
East, the realities of the situation. 
Russia has l)uilt a railroad practi- 
cally from St. Petersburg to Vladi- 
vostock, in Eastern Siberia, and 
is running a branch line down 
through Manchuria to Port Arthur. 



This railroad is a civilizing agency, 
which makes for peaceful conditions 
along its route, for the cessation of 
the barbarism and petty warfare 
which have retarded the growth and 
expansion of Northern China. Rus- 
sia in her Eastern progress has 
transformed j^hiva, Bokhara and 
the regions of her intluence from 
anarchy and retrogression into 
lands where peace and prosperity 
leign and life and property are se- 
cure. She found wildernesses and 
deserts where she ])lanted her flag, 
and has changed them iiuo gardens; 
where disorder and misrule were 
the conditions of life she has given 
law, civilization, peace and good or- 
der. She is the one European 
Power whose authority in Asia is 
strong, firm and successful, since 
she is the one Power whose rulers 
understand the Asiatic. 

Russia's True Friendship. 

Her entry into Manchuria meant 
the re-creation of that region and its 
incorporation into the family of civ- 
ilized nations; and having planted 
there the seeds of civilization she 
has a right to expect the harvest. 
Erom the first. America has been 
her panner in this good work, not 
ofTicially. but commercially, for she 
has thrown ojien her markets freely 
to the American manufacturer and 
trader. She has time and again 
given assurances of her friendshi]:) 
and good will for Americans; her 
commercial policy toward America 
has been the positive and practical 
translation of her promises; and 
America has learned to have perfect 
confidence in the bona fides of the 
Russian Empire. Russia in her civ- 
ilizing progress in Eastern Asia has 



THE ANGLO-JAPANESE TREATY. 



13 



found the complement of her work 
in the peaceful agencies of Ameri- 
can manufacture and commerce. 
(Jur most active and jealous rivals 
in these new fields of commercial 
exploitation are the British and 
Japanese manufacturers who see in 
our success their ruin. American 
I)usiness men are neither fools nor 
dupes; and they are not likely to be 
humbugged by any treaties or 
promises their envious commercial 
rivals may make. Hence, when the 
pro- British and anti- American (the 
terms are synonymous) press of 
America, from Boston to San Fran- 
cisco, assures us that England and 
Japan are working for the benefit of 
American traders, we know exactly 
what value to place on their utter- 
ances, since British commercial al- 
truism is such a rare and precious 
conmiodii}'. When England was 
ramming opium down Chinese 
throats at the point of the bayonet. 
^\•hen she was engaged in grabbing 
Chinese territory and Imllying and 
])ribing concessions from the weak 
and corrupt mandarinate, we feel 
cert^ain ch.it her sole thouglit was 
for her dear American commercial 
ri\ nls! 

Japan is a newcomer in the in- 
dustrial held and in the struggle for 
])olitical place and power. She has 
superimposed a thin veneer of Eu- 
ropean civilization upon her Ori- 
ental culture and has rushed into 
armaments, naval and military, un- 
til her finances are shaky. Her ill- 
])aid, ill-fed swarms of pagans are 
working in strenuous competition 
to Europe and America, and she re- 
gards the markets of China as hers 
by right, to be obtained now by fine 
words and later by the sword, when 



she is strong enough. J ler aml^ition 
is to be the England of the Orient, 
the trader and bully of those seas. 
England sees in this polished pagan 
a handy tool to annoy Russia on the 
mainland and America on the sea: 
she would make, if possible, of Ja- 
pan a ])istol pointed at America's 
head. If Ja])an can work out her 
ambitions alone, well and good; but 
it would 1)e the veriest folly for the 
United States to helj) build U]) a 
pugnacious and aggressive empire 
on her flank and to allow our ideals 
of civilization to be driven out and 
supplanted in the East by a belliger- 
ent connnunity antagonistic to the 
ideas and doctrines we hold to be 
necessary for the world's well-be- 
mg. Russia stands for Christian civ- 
ilization; Japan for pagan material- 
ism; Russia sj^ells humanity and 
progress; Japanese dominance 
means an attempt to turn back the 
wheels of time. America cannot af- 
ford to hue up with Anglo-Japan: 
she must stick to her old policy of 
a\'oiding entangling alliances, and 
keep herself free from any thing and 
all things liearing the brand of Brit- 
ain. It IS for us to remain in peace 
and amity with our tried and true 
Friends and tcj 1)eware of the Greeks 
l)earing' gifts. 

The superserviceable friends of 
England in ofiice and in the press 
arc eii(lea\-oring strenuously to fos- 
ter the idea that Russia's word is 
valueless and her friendship for 
America a delusion; such a cam- 
paign is necessarily offensive to 
Russia and injurious to this Repub- 
lic; hence the importance of show- 
ing the real meaning and signifi- 
cance of this campaign of falsehood 
and misrepresentation, and of let- 



u 



RUSSIA, THE UNITED STATES AND 



ting the Russians know that the al- 
lies of England are numerically un- 
important, politically powerless and 
socially insignificant in this country; 
and that the vigor of their efforts is 
de]3endent wholly upon the length 
and depth of the British purse. 

As the pro-British campaign is 
now in full swing and its reckless- 
ness and violence are at their 
height, it might be well to stop and 
consider its purpose at this particu- 
lar moment. 

The Anglo-Japanese treaty in it- 
self is not of first importance, since 
it is alleged to have purposes to 
which all the great Powers are 
pledged — the integrity of China. If 
we may judge from the utterances 
of the wiser and less reckless por- 
tion of the British press, it is an in- 
strument fraught with danger and 
disaster for England. The Japanese 
have an army and navy which are a 
heavy burden on their finances; 
they are cocky, pugnacious and 
anxious to use them on somebody; 
their courage is far in excess of 
their prudence or discretion; and 
they are ready to drag their new 
and shaky ally into hostilities. In 
the present military and financial 
condition of England, Japan's war- 
like zeal is worse than embarrass- 
ing. 

Japan Will Be Spanked. 

Russia has looked beyond the 
treaty to the utterances of these al- 
lies and accepts the document as a 
challenge, and when Russia reaches 
that stage there is trouble ahead for 
some1:)ody. The Government of the 
Czar has not been idle; it has been 
preparing for the struggle which It 
considers inevitable, and when it 



strikes it will strike hard, fast and 
effectively. 

Because of the prospect of war, it 
is the business of the United States 
to stand hrmly aloof and let the al- 
lies get what is coming to them. 
We want to give England a fine 
sample of benevolent neutrality, an 
attitude which will enable us to re- 
ceive our lost command of the seas 
and its carrying trade, which were 
filched horn us by England during 
the Rebellion. 

It \y\]\ be Russia and France 
against England and Japan, with a 
battle-ground all round the world. 
iMigland's military prestige is gone; 
if we are to believe Admiral Beres- 
fonl, her naval prestige is likely to 
go the same road, since the major- 
ity of her ships are old and obsolete 
types. With India, Africa, Ireland 
and Jier other possessions to watch 
against eager and active enemies, 
England will not be in much of a 
position to keep her ally, wdio w'ill 
be left very much to her own re- 
sources. Financially Japan will be 
in a bad way, as she depends on 
England to finance the situation. 
England's ow^n financial condition 
is not the best; her debt is increas- 
ing by leaps and bounds; she shows 
a deficit in her revenues this year of 
1100.000.000; her consols are down 
to 88, and her capacity to borrow is 
not what it was. Japan's ability for 
mischief will be limited at the best 
to a couple of months, and unless 
she accomplish something in that 
time she must collapse. Russia will 
be just beginning to fight by that 
time, and those who fight her must 
do it on the ground of her own 
choosing, and she knows how^ to 
choose. India, financially hard up, 



THE AXaWJAPANESE TREATY. 



15 



can be set allame in a month and 
British sovereignty threatened. 

Meantime France will be heard 
from. Her swift cruisers, with 
French and Russian letters of 
marque, can light a torch with Brit- 
ish commerce all round the seven 
seas, as well as pen her army up in 
South Africa, with interrupted com- 
munications and a wrecked system 
of supplies. If the French naval 
programme be followed, her battle- 
ships will keep to the fortified har- 
bors of France, while her numerous 
and splendid submarine fleet will 
play havoc with England's channel 
fleet. That fleet once crippled, or 
demoralized, it will be surprising if 
a French army does not dictate 
terms on British soil. Meantime, 
with industries crippled and food 
supplies scarce and dear, England 
will be a dangerous and unhappy 
land, with an ignorant, debased and 
hungry population. 

Under such pleasing conditions 
such neutrals as America and Ger- 
many would reap the just rewards 
of neutrality — the trade of the 
world and the pleasant opportunity 
of selling all hands war material for 
cash. Those robust American pa- 
triots whose conscience and patriot- 
ism are centred in their cash tills 
will do well to restrain their pro- 
ijritish ardor in view of this allur- 
ing prospect, and stand aloof in the 
virtuous consciousness of duty well 
done. The ordinary American, 
who has a memory and recalls the 
vicissitudes through w^hich his coun- 
try has passed, will have no difti- 
culty in remembering what Power 
was our enemy and what one our 
friend in the hour of trial; and that 
America will hold fast to the friend 



who never failed us — Russia — and 
say "Get thee behind me, Satan!" to 
the h3'pocrite, who never missed a 
chance to injure us — England. 

When the storm bursts in the 
East, as burst it will, a very pretty 
fight wnll be on, and when the cur- 
tain goes down on it, Japan will 
awake rudely from her dreams of 
empire and England will have 
reached the end of her tether. 

The recent announcement by the 
Governments of Russia and France 
in answer to the bluff of the 
Auglo-Japanese treaty is signifi- 
cant and dignified and has back 
of it the heavy hand of those 
Powers. It is a warning to Eng- 
land and Japan that France and 
Russia stand ready to give them all 
the fight they need w^ienever they 
want it, and possibly before they 
want it. It must also put strength 
into the arms and courage into the 
hearts of that gallant little band in 
South Africa which has dealt the 
most serious blow to English pride 
and prestige the century has seen. 
A httle longer, a few more sacri- 
fices, and the British wolf will be 
past fighting. To such straits have 
the fighting Boers brought Eng- 
land, that she enters eagerly into 
this perilous treaty with the Jap, in 
a vain effort to guard her endan- 
gered interests elsewhere. Perilous 
indeed is the treaty which carries 
with it the dark shadow of the great- 
est empire on earth. 

More Work for the Paid Journalists. 

Meantime the campaign of slan- 
der and vilification of Russia goes 
bravely on in the mercenary pro- 
British press, and it is the duty of 
true xA-miCricans to treat it with 



IG 



RUSSIA, THE UNITED STATES AND 



scorn and to repudiate that press 
and its falsehoods with indignation 
and contempt. The vigilance and 
promjit action of the friends of 
America can render this new in- 
trigue as vain and humiliating as 
the one just about to close with the 
retirement of Lord Pauncefote from 
America. The 'T^Viendship Fake" 
has proven an ignominious failure, 
a humiliating defeat for British di- 
plomacy and intrigue; but no one is 
foolish enough to imagine that the 
creatures who coddled and exploit- 
ed that scheme will be less industri- 
ous in this new issue. The "New 
\'ork Tribune," the "New York 
Times." the "Mail and Express," 
the Rost')n "Herald," the Cleveland 
"Plain Dealer," certain Chicago 
papers, the unspeakable Smalley, 
Abe Low, Juliananias Ralph, and 
all their breed and generation, will 
still keep up their ])ro-British and 
anti-Russian campaign, for with 
them it is simply business; the inter- 
ests of the Rc]niblic are not as im- 
portant to them as the contribu- 
tions to their pockets. We can con- 
fidently look forward from now on 
to a rare catalogue of massacres in 
Russian China, Russian insults to 
America, Russian custom-house ex- 
actions, massacres of Russian stu- 
dents, outrages on Jews, education, 
religion, etc., and all the stock of 
antique lies which are used to dis- 
credit Russia. Simultaneously we 
shall read of England's efforts to 
foster American trade in the Ori- 



ent; we shal' get the race and re- 
ligious humbugs served up con- 
stantly; Joe Chamberlain will em- 
l)race us metaphorically at dinners, 
and Edward the Eat will chuck the 
daughters of Western parvenus un- 
der the chin and speak feelingly of 
the President. The New York 
Chamber of Commerce w'ill toast 
England and insult America, and 
the stale old programme of Anglo- 
mania will ha\'e a fine anti-Russian, 
instead of anti-Cjerman, tone. 

Let us get ready for it and meet 
it with a club. Meantime our man- 
ufacturers, who are not New York 
importers and middlemen, will learn 
to ap]>reciate the substantial gains 
of the Siberian and Manchurian 
markets and they will learn how dif- 
ficult it is to sell a dollar's worth of 
American goods in British India. 
The friends of America and freedom 
can read the concrete proofs of 
P)ritish friendship in Canadian fort- 
ifications and ]:)rovincial insolence; 
and they can estimate the value of 
the British love of liberty by the 
rotten reconcentration camps of 
South Africa. 

L"ish-Americans will stand by 
Russia first, last and always. She is 
the Nemesis of England; the power 
that will give the coup de grace to 
their ancient foe. 

Ad interim let us keep an eye on 
the pro-British press and England's 
hired man in Washington, John 
Hav. 

JOSEPH SMITH. 



THE AlfOLO-JAPANESE TREATY. 



n 



HAY'S SERVICES FOR ENGLAND.-HE WILL BE 
PRESIDENT IF ROOSEVELT DIES. 



Professor Grosvenor, of Aiulierst 

At the meeting of the Commer- 
cial Club, Boston, March 27, at 
which President Lucius Tuttle pre- 
sided, Prof. Edwin A. Grosvenor, 
of Amherst College, who spent 
many years in the East as a teacher 
in Robert College in Constanti- 
nople, delivered an able address 
upon "Russian Expansion in the 
East." 

Speaking of the policy of the 
United States, in view of Russian 
expansion, he said: 

"The course pursued during the 
last few years by the American De- 
partment of State toward Russia in 
political questions concerning the 
extreme East has been peculiar. 
The more thoroughly that course is 
investigated and understood by 
Americans, the more it will be re- 
gretted. An American should be 
neither a Russophobe nor an Anglo- 
phobe; neither a Russophile nor an 
Anglophile. The American doctrine 
is that this country shall work out 
its destiny without entangling alli- 
ances; that in foreign matters which 
do not primarily concern us, but do 
concern two antagonistic States like 
Russia and Great Britain, America 
shall be the tool or the satellite of 
neither. And so it is regarded the 
more surprising that, while regard 
for American interests is the flag 
under which the State Department 
is supposed to sail, a constant and 
solicitous regard for British inter- 



Colleg-e, on the State Department. 

ests seems to be the rudder by 
which it steers. 

1 <'un not referring now to the 
first Hay-Pauncefote treaty nor to 
the practical surrender in the Alas- 
kan boundary dispute, nor to plain 
precepts of international law over- 
ridden to the advantage of Great 
Britain in her war with the Boer 
Repul)lics. I am referring simply 
to our relations with Russia in the 
extreme East. 

As far as our own interests are 
concerned, it would not be difficult 
to prove that the attitude of our 
State Department had been ill ad- 
vised, and even puerile. Friendship 
with all the world, including Rus- 
sia, should be our constant aim. 
Unless \ve receive affront or some 
moral principle opposes, from that 
aim we should not swerve. In the 
regions opened up by Russian en- 
terprise and activity is our market. 
With the growing prosperity of 
Russia that market must expand. 
High tariff or low tariff" or no tariff" 
— as far as competition with other 
national producers is concerned — it 
is all one. That market must grow 
constantly more lucrative. A man 
or a nation will buy of a friend 
rather than of a stranger, provided 
the quaHty of the goods is the same. 
He will even prefer to buy an in- 
ferior article of a. friend to. a su- 
perior article from an enemy. But 
the policy of the State Department 



18 



RUSSIA, THE UNITED STATES AND 



has tended constantly to alienate 
the friendship of the nation whose 
friendship for us was traditional and 
who opens before us that ever en- 
larging market. 

How many notes of an un- 
friendly or suspicious nature have 
heen addressed by our Department 
of State to the Russian Govern- 
ment? How ostentatiously has been 
flaunted in the face of Russia our in- 
timacy with Great Britain, Russia's 
chief and almost only antagonist? It 
is ill-advised for a parent or a nation 
to nag. But those successive notes 
have been diplomatic nagging. We 
have uttered threats aeainst Russia 



as to her possible doings in Man- 
churia. But does our State Depart- 
ment really mean to go to war with 
her, whatever she does in New- 
Chwang or Seoul? Are we partners 
in Anglo-Japanese alliance? We 
shake our fist at Russia, Do we in- 
tend to follow up that shaking of 
the tist by a blow? By war? And so 
these American notes to Russia are 
only puerile. For the threat is but 
empty sound, but it lowers our dig- 
nity and weakens our influence and 
tends to alienate the one Power 
which has been our consistent, per- 
sistent friend. 



THE ANGLO-JAPANESE TREATY. 



19 



A Last Word On Pauncefote.— His American Champions 

Utterly Routed.— British Duplicity During 

the Spanish War. 



An attempt has been made by 
certain pro-British weekly publica- 
tions, notably the "Independent," 
the "Outlook" and "Frank Les- 
lie's," to explain or excuse Lord 
Pauncefote's action in connection 
with his proposed collective note of 
April 14, l!S98. These organs in- 
sinuate that the British ambassador 
merely acted as doyen of the Diplo- 
matic Corps and at the suggestion 
or instigation of Baron Hengel- 
muller, the Austrian Minister. 

The Austrian Foreign Office has 
promptly and emphatically denied 
any responsibility for Lord Paunce- 
fote's now memorable note, and in- 
controvertible testimony has been 
disclosed in corroboration of that 
official denial. The notes to the Am- 
bassadors inviting them to the con- 
ference at which the intervention 
proposal was submitted were signed 
by Lord Pauncefote. They were 
asked to meet at the British Em- 
bassy, "to-morrow morning at ten 
o'clock," the notes being dated 
April 13, to consider a proposition 
in regard to the Spanish-American 
difficulty. The notes did not state 
that the proposal emanated from or 
had been prepared by the Austrian 
Minister, nor did Lord Pauncefote 
make any such suggestion to the 
conference. The German Ambassa- 
dor was not alone among his diplo- 



matic colleagues in believing that 
the note originated with Lord 
Pauncefote, and there is no doubt 
now that all of them telegraphed 
their governments in similar lan- 
guage to the historic dispatch of 
Herr von Holleben, who said, "The 
British Ambassador to-day took in 
a very surprising way the initiative 
in a new collective step on the part 
of the Ministers." 

Referring to the conference the 
"New York Sun," in a well in- 
formed Washington dispatch re- 
viewing the discussion in its issue of 
Feb. 14, says: 

"Even more interesting and im- 
portant than any of the above asser- 
tions is another attributed to more 
than one source of authority. This 
is to the effect that when the repre- 
sentatives of the Powers assembled 
in the British Embassy on the 
morning of April 14, 1898, they 
found that the proposed collective 
note to the United States, which 
they were called together to con- 
sider, had been prepared in writing, 
and that it was in English. Lord 
Pauncefote was the only representa- 
tive of an English-speaking people 
Avlio was a party to the conference. 
This, taken in connection with the 
fact that no statement was made 
that the proposal came from the 
Austrian Alinister, was pretty 



20 



RUSSIA, THE UNITED STATES AND 



strong evidence that the note was 
submitted in behalf of Great Brit- 
ain." 

If tlie note, as has been claimed 
by Lord Pauncefote's apologists, 
had been presented in behalf of 
Austria, it is remarkable that it was 
Avritten in the English tongue, and 
not in the diplomatic language, 
French. Baron Hengelmuller has 
neither the tiuency nor facility in 
English to prepare a note of such 
importance in that language, and if 
it was inspired by him it certainly 
would have been written in French, 
with which all the tliplomats are 
familiar. 

There is no doul)t, therefore, 
from all the undisputed evidence 
that the note was the conception of 
Pauncefote, and no diplomat of his 
experience would have assumed the 
initiative in such a matter without 
communication with his Govern- 
ment and being satisfied that it co- 
incided fully in its purport. It is 
fruitless, therefore, for Lord Salis- 
bury's ministry to throw the sole 
blame on his Majesty's representa- 
tive at AVashington. 

The real facts of the case are that 
when the foreign ministers assem- 
bled at the British Embassy on 
April 14 Lord Pauncefote took 
from a draw'er in his deck the now 
famous note which was in his hand- 
writing, written on the Embassy 
paper and in the English language. 
He then requested the French Am- 
bassador to translate it into French, 
W'hich was done. The English text 
of the document w^as as follows: 

"The attitude of Congress and 
the resolution of the House of Rep- 
resentatives, passed yesterday by a 
'arge majority, leave but little hope 



of peace, and it is popularly believed 
that the warlike measures advo- 
cated have the approval of the great 
powers. The memorandum of the 
Spanish Minister, delivered on Sun- 
day, appears to me and my col- 
leagues to remove all legitimate 
cause for war. If that view^ should 
be shared by the great powers the 
time has arrived to remove the er- 
roneous impression which prevails 
that the armed intervention of the 
United States in Cuba commands, 
in the words of the message, 'the 
support and approval of the civil- 
ized world.' It is suggested by the 
foreign representatives that this 
might l)e done by a collective ex- 
])ression from the great powers of 
the hope that the United States 
Government will give favorable 
consideration to the memorandum 
of the Spanish Minister, of April 10, 
as ofTering a reasonable basis for an 
amicable solution, and as remov- 
ing any grounds for hostile inter- 
A'ention which may have previously 
existed." 

Herr von Holleben, in transmit- 
ting the note to the Berlin Foreign 
Office, made the following signifi- 
cant comment thereon: "Personal- 
ly I regard this demonstration 
somewhat coldly." The German 
Emperor having read the docu- 
ment, appended the following mar- 
ginal note: "I regard it as com- 
pletely futile and purposeless, and, 
therefore, prejudicial. I am against 
this step." The other Powers and 
their INIinisters adopted a similar at- 
titude. 

But we have further informatic>n 
in regard to the conference. The 
AA^ashington "Post," a most careful 
and conservative organ, has 



THE ANGLO-JAPANESE TREATY. 



21 



charged our State Department with 
having knowledge that Pauncefote 
said to the foreign envoys: "In case 
a concert could be arranged, his 
Government was prepared to mo- 
bilize a fleet in the Gulf of Mexico 
to enforce its demands.'' The 
"Post" has repeatedly made this 
statement on the highest authority, 
and it has remained unchallenged. 

The "Post" has also charged 
Lord Pauncefote with having made 
the following remark to a certain 
envoy: "I hope we now have these 
brigands (United States Govern- 
ment) where we want them." 

Now just a word in regard to the 
attitude of Russia. Julian Ralph, of 
unenviable notoriety, lately wrote 
two columns in the New York 
"Mail and Express" to prove that 
Russia was the real culprit and chief 
organizer of the coalition. A few 
dinners at the mess table of Kitch- 
ener and Buller purchased the pen 
of this renegade American, who ri- 
vals the lowest British jingo in his 
foul abuse of the patriot Boers. The 
official journal of the Russian min- 
istry pu1)lished on February 23 an 
account of the actions of the am- 
bassadors at Washington which al- 
most textually corroborates Herr 
von Holleben and the Berlin For- 
eign Office. The Russian statement 
concludes as follows: 

"Russia did not agree to the pre- 
senting of the note drawn up by 
Lord Pauncefote, April 14, because 
she did not regard it as being in the 
nature of an amicable appeal, but 
considered that it tended to be an 
expression of disapproval of the 
United States policy, and that to 
have participated in such a note 
would have been contrary to the at- 



titude of most scrupulous neutrality 
maintained by Russia throughout 
the war, her conduct in this respect 
being renewed proof of the tradi- 
tional friendship of Russia and the 
United States." 

I do not think that even Julian 
Ralph will have the audacity to 
again impugn the good faith of our 
traditional friend. 

Great Britain's base anxiety to 
dampen the ardor of American 
friendliness for Prince Henry and 
the German people has proved her 
undoing and exposed her own du- 
plicity. Her impudent pretensions 
to our friendship, based on the most 
contemptible fraud and cheat ever 
perpetrated on the credulity of a 
gullible people, have been at last 
unmasked. She stands pilloried as 
a hypocrite before the world, again 
convicted of brazen falsehood and 
treacherv to the American Repub- 
lic. 

Thank Heaven! this chapter is 
closed. We have heard the last of 
the fake "How Britain saved the 
United States from the great Pow- 
ers during the Spanish War." 

T. ST. JOHN GAFFNEY. 



The question as to who were our 
frienxls at the time of the outbreak 
of the war with Spain is set at rest 
l)y a statement received by "The 
Expansionist" on unimpeachable 
authority. The note, which, after 
the rejection of the first by Presi- 
dent IMcKinl.ey, was intended to be 
the prelude to direct intervention in 
some form in favor of Spain and 
against this country, was conceived 
and elaborated in confidential com- 
munications that passed between 
the British Government and its am- 



22 



RUSSIA, THE UNITED STATES AND 



bassador at Washington. When the 
ambassadors of the powers at the 
capital, who were convened by 
Lord Pauncefote, had assembled at 
the British Embassy, they and their 
governments were in complete ig- 
norance of the proposal that was 
about to be made to them. It was 
only after they were in the ambas- 
sador's room at the Embassy that 
they learned the object of their con- 
vocation, and Lord Pauncefote, 
taking a document from his desk, 
handed it to the French Am1)assa- 
dor with a request that he would 
turn it into French for the benefit 
of his colleagues. 

This fact fixes the responsibility 
for the authorship of the note where 
it properly belongs — on Great Brit- 
ain. The reasons why the British 
Government refuses to publish the 
correspondence between it and its 
ambassador at Washington, to 
which it has been .challenged by the 
German Government, are obvious, 
and need not be further commented 
on. — "The Expansionist," March. 



Canada and the Monroe Doctrine. 

We find in the New York "Sun" 
of a very recent date a communica- 
tion which has the merit of broach- 
ing a question of novel character 
and undoubted interest: 

"To the Editor of the Sun: 

"Sir: The report that Great 
Britain has called upon Canada to 
furnish 2.000 additional cavalry for 
South Africa suggests some grave 
considerations for the American 
Government. 

"Is not the employment of Ca- 



nadian troops in a war with which 
this hemisphere has no concern a 
source of danger to the Monroe 
doctrine? 

"The Dominion, having volun- 
tarily involved itself in a predatory 
war in behalf of England, cannot 
avoid being called upon to give mil- 
itary aid to the imperial authorities 
in the future. 

"Under the Monroe doctrine we 
claim a paramountcy over this con- 
tinent, but we cannot object to 
Russia or France invading and 
holding Canadian territory, should 
Canadian troops be employed 
against them. 

"The conduct of Canada herself 
gives the United States the su- 
premest right to intervene in South 
Africa, because it has imperilled the 
traditional policy of our govern- 
ment and estopped us from the 
right of protest, should her soil be 
seized by a continental power. 

"Congress should protest, there- 
fore, without delay against the 
drafting of Canadian troops in Brit- 
ain's wars, unless it is prepared to 
aliandon the rights we claim under 
the most vital and fundamental 
principle of our national policy. 

"Should our government now by 
its silence seemingly admit the right 
of Great Britain to recruit her 
armies from her American depend- 
encies, we may yet have to face the 
prospect of the dismemberment of 
Canada and her apportionment 
among the European powers when 
the inevitable day of reckoning 
comes for the British Empire. 

•T. ST. JOHN GAFFNEY. 

"New York, March 27." 



THE ANGLO-JAPANESE TREATY 

or at ' 



The matter is one which we shall 
have to refer to the great constitu- 
tional and international thinkers of 
Congress, or, barring them, to the 
debating society of the Columbian 
University school of diplomacy. As 
will be seen, Mr. Gaffney puts a 
purely hypothetical case — offers a 
mere suggestion. He raises an is- 
sue which can be decided only by 
the highest authority. England 
has been recruiting her armies on 
American soil for the purpose of 
waging war against a foreign coun- 
try. Suppose that country, either 
directly or indirectly — of its own 
strength or through the strength of 
allies — should invade Canada by 
way of reprisal or as a means of in- 
tensifying the effect of hostile oper- 
ations elsewhere; could the United 
States properly invoke the Monroe 
doctrine to antagonize that inva- 
sion? We have declared in effect 
that we will not permit the strength- 
ening or the extension of foreign 
power in the Western Hemisphere. 
Do we not abandon that position, 



east Its logic, when we wink 
at such proceedings as those to 
which Air. Gaffney refers in his 
communication? If the Dominion 
to our north is capable of contribut- 
ing to England's military power for 
one purpose, why may it not be 
used for any other purpose? If 
Canadian troops can be employed 
to make war on the South African 
republics, why may they not be 
used to mpkc war on France, Rus- 
sia or Germany? And if the United 
States sanctions this, with what jus- 
tice can we oppose measures adojit- 
ed by those countries in retaliation? 
The question, as it seems to us, is 
whether we can invoke the Monroe 
Doctrine only wdien our pleasure or 
our profit is involved and be free to 
ignore it when we have no selfish 
personal interest at stake. In a 
word, is it a princi])le or only a pre- 
text — something which we can 
change as we do our coat to meet 
the emergency at hand? — Wash- 
in sjton Post. 



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